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February 16, 2005

Getting Rich: Stock Valuations

Filed under: Equity Markets — admin @ 8:51 am

Getting Rich: Stock Valuations

February 2005

By: ChartingTheEconomy.Com

Stock valuations seem to be a topic of almost endless debate and there are always plenty of bulls and bears.  This
report gives a view of stock valuations based on long term economic fundamentals.  It starts with an analysis of U.S.
gross domestic product (GDP) which serves as the foundation for this report.  Then the relationship between GDP
and corporate profits is discussed.  Finally, the direct correlation between corporate profits and stock valuations is
analyzed.  Through this analysis a clear conclusion is established that stock valuations are rich.  It is also concluded
that on a short term basis the relationship between GDP, corporate profits and stock valuations is very volatile.
Accordingly, it is difficult to time the direction of the stock market with any precision in the short term.  However, by
establishing the close long term relationship between GDP, corporate profits, and stock valuations it is clear that
stocks are set for a period of under performance.

Gross Domestic Product and Its Four Major Components

To better understand current stock valuations, we first need to examine gross domestic product and how it is
measured.  GDP is the most commonly used measure of the overall size of the U.S. economy and can be defined as
the amount of goods and services produced during a specific period.  The easiest way to think of GDP is as follows:

GDP = Consumption + investment + exports - imports

Chart #1 shows the major components that comprise the U.S. GDP and their relative size.  Each component is also
discussed in following sections.

stocks1

GDP - Personal Consumption

Chart #1 (above) shows that personal consumption is the primary driver of the U.S. economy.  The fact is that
personal consumption in 2004 accounted for more than 70% of total GDP.  Over the past couple of decades personal
consumption has steadily grown in its portion of the U.S. economy.  In 1981 it represented about 62% of GDP.  Why is
personal consumption making up so much more of the U.S. economy than ever before?  Simple, Americans are
spending almost all of their income each year and saving almost nothing.  Chart #2 shows how the personal savings
rate in the U.S. has declined in recent years.1

stocks2

As personal savings declined over the past couple of decades, we have been spending an increasing amount of our
disposable income on personal consumption expenditures.  Chart #3 shows how consumption expenditures have
increased much faster than disposable income since 1980.

stocks3

The significance here is as follows.  First, personal consumption expenditures are by far the most important part of
GDP. Second, the growth in personal consumption expenditures has boosted GDP growth over the past couple of
decades.  Third, the growth in personal consumption expenditures cannot continue to outpace growth in personal
income indefinitely.  The fact is that personal savings is now at one percent (1%) of disposable income.  Therefore,
the best case is that consumption will grow at the same pace as income in coming years.  What this means is that the
component that makes up over 70% of GDP is likely to see slower growth in coming years, all else being equal.  Of
course, if savings go negative or income begins to rise more quickly, then personal consumption may continue to
increase at the current rate.  Suffice it to say that negative savings and income inflation have other consequences
that can negatively affect markets.  At this point we will assume that neither happens.

GDP – Government Expenditures and Investment

The second largest component of U.S. GDP is government expenditures and investment.  This part of the U.S.
economy has been fueled largely by deficit spending by the Federal Government and many state governments.  To
turn the tide on government deficits, we are likely to see tighter controls on government spending over the next
several years.  In fact, the Bush Administration’s 2006 budget proposal is a step in this direction.  What this means to
the U.S. economy is slower GDP growth in the near term as government expenditures increase at a slower pace than
in prior years.

GDP - Trade

Unlike personal consumption and government spending, the U.S. trade imbalance has been a major drag on U.S.
GDP growth over the past decade as it has ballooned from $94 billon in 1994 to over $600 billion in 2004.  The trade
imbalance effectively lowered U.S. GDP in 2004 by 5%.  Economists appear split on whether the imbalance will grow or
decline over the next several years.  The decline in the U.S. dollar should slow or even stop the growth of the trade
imbalance.  However, until now it has done little to reverse it.  If the trade imbalance is maintained or reversed, it could
produce a positive affect on U.S. GDP. However, to the degree that the imbalance represents a small share of overall
GDP (when compared to consumption), any positive affect is unlikely to produce substantially higher GDP growth.

GDP – Private Domestic Investment

This leaves private domestic investment to carry the day on GDP.  The rate of growth in private domestic investment
may increase over the next several years, especially, if overcapacity in certain industries begins to dry up.  However,
private domestic investment, like trade, represents a small portion of overall GDP so an increase in its rate of growth
has a moderate affect on overall GDP.

The point in discussing GDP is not to debate each component, but to show what has been contributing to its growth
recently.  Once this is understood it is clear that GDP growth will likely slow over the next several years.  The slow
down in GDP growth occurs primarily because it will become increasingly difficult for the U.S. consumer to increase
spending relative to income as the savings rate approaches zero.  Given that consumer expenditures make up over
70% of GDP this will slow GDP growth.

Gross Domestic Product and Corporate Profits

So what is the significance of a slow down in GDP growth in coming years?  The significance is that GDP growth has a
direct impact on growth in corporate profits in the long term.  So as it becomes increasingly difficult to maintain current
GDP growth rates, it also becomes increasingly difficult to maintain growth rates for corporate profits.

To get a full picture on the relationship between GDP and corporate profits let’s take a look at each on an annual
basis and long term basis.  First, on an annual basis there is little direct correlation between GDP and corporate
profits as Chart #4 shows.

stocks4

Chart #5 shows GDP and corporate profits growth over the same period on a cumulative basis.  From this chart it is
clear that corporate profits are more volatile than GDP; however, their long term cumulative performance is very
similar.

stocks5

The point here is that corporate profits will likely slow over the coming years as the rate of growth in GDP slows.  Of
course, corporate profits will fluctuate greatly on an annual basis, but in the best case scenario expectations should
be for more moderate growth over the next decade.

Corporate Profits and Stock Prices

All of this leads us to the equity markets.  Simply put, corporate profits are the single most important fundamental that
drive the valuation of stocks.  When it comes down to it, other items such as growth, taxes, productivity, and interest
rates affect stocks mostly by influencing corporate profits.  Interest rates do have the added affect of influencing the
attractiveness of alternative investments such as bonds which deserves some mention.

In the short run, stocks are not likely to follow corporate profits because stocks are influenced by a variety of other
factors.  Depending on the effect of the other factors, stocks will either under-perform or outperform corporate
profits.  Another way to look at this is that investors at any given time are willing to pay a specific price for a dollar of
corporate profits.  The price investors are willing to pay may vary because factors like interest rates, growth rates,
taxes, debt, currency rates, and emotion cause investors to make different valuation assessments.  In the short term,
you would expect stocks and corporate profits to vary based on the amount of external influences on investment
decisions.

In the long term, however, unless there is a shift in fundamentals that causes stocks to become less or more valuable,
stocks should follow corporate profits.  Two examples that could make stocks more valuable would be higher growth
rates in the future, or that other investment alternatives are not expected to be attractive for an extended period.
Given the above discussion on GDP there is little reason to believe that growth rates should accelerate in coming
years.  In fact there are plenty of reasons to think that long term growth rates may slow.  Also, while stocks may look
more attractive than bonds now, given today’s low bond yields, this is most likely a short term trend.  So over the long
term stock price gains should mirror the growth of corporate profits since there is little reason to believe that there is a
fundamental reason why stocks have become more valuable to own.

Let’s take a look at the relationship between stocks and corporate profits in recent years.  First, Chart #6 shows the
relationship between stocks and corporate profits on an annual basis.  The obvious observation is that there can be
large variations between the two in any given year.  As we just discussed, this is expected based on investors making
short term value assessments.

stocks6

However, Chart #7 shows the relationship between two major stock indexes (the Russell 3000 and S&P 500) and
corporate profits since 1987.  These two indexes are used because they represent a broad range of stocks.

stocks7

Several things are obvious when looking at Chart #7.  First, through the end of 1995, stocks were growing at a very
similar pace to corporate profits.  Second, the stock market bubble of 1999/2000 is very evident.  Third, the market
correction and subsequent rebound is also clear.  However, maybe the most obvious trend is that stock price
appreciation since the end of 1995 has clearly been outpacing corporate profits.  It is also obvious that complete
investor capitulation never materialized after the 1999/2000 bubble.  Based on this, it is beginning to look like a
second bubble is forming, or it could be argued that, having never fully deflated, the 1999/2000 bubble is still with us.
This last point seems even more plausible when we look at Chart #8 which compares the S&P 500 including dividend
payments to corporate profits since 1987.  Chart #8 is arguably the more accurate comparison in as much as
including dividends demonstrates total returns.

stocks8

Conclusion

This report establishes a direct correlation between GDP, corporate profits and stock valuations over the long term.
The purpose of this report is not to forecast the rate of future growth in any of these categories.  It is to give
perspective on stock valuations today.  Even if you assume future growth is at historic rates, stock prices are way out
in front of corporate profits.  If you assume that corporate profits have benefited in the past several years by
potentially unsustainable factors such as low interest rates, low capital spending, favorable tax rates, and high
productivity gains, it becomes even more difficult to see how corporate profits can support stock prices at current
levels.

The report also acknowledges that there is much short term volatility in the relationship between GDP, corporate
profits and stock valuations. It is therefore difficult to predict the direction of stock prices in the near term.  However,
based on a view of the long term relationship between GDP, corporate profits, and stock valuations, it is clear that the
current risk/reward ratio of stocks is high.  There is no prediction made as to how stocks will perform in the short term.
The long term prediction is that stocks are set for a period of under performance when compared to the past decade.

Sources:

Chart #1:  Data is from the U.S. Bureau of Economic Analysis (BEA) table 1.1.5 Gross Domestic Product.  Net export
of goods and services is negative because it represents the U.S. trade imbalance.

Chart #2:  Data is from the U.S. Bureau of Economic Analysis table 2.1 Personal Income and Its Disposition.

Chart #3:  Same as Chart #2.

Chart #4:  BEA table 1.1.5 Gross Domestic Product and BEA table 1.12 National Income by Type or Income.
Corporate profits are after tax profits without inventory valuation adjustment and capital consumption adjustment.

Chart #5:  Same at Chart #4.

Chart#6:  Corporate profit data is from BEA table 1.12. and represents after tax profits without inventory valuation
adjustment and capital consumption adjustment.  Data on the S&P 500 is from the Standard & Poor website. Stock
prices are as of 12/31 of each year.  Corporate profits are for the entire year. 2004 corporate profit data uses data
for the first three quarters and estimates 4th quarter data.

Chart #7:  Corporate profit and S&P 500 data sources are same as Chart #6.  Data on the Russell 3000 is from
Yahoo Finance website using Russell 3000 index historical data and from the Russell Indexes website.  Stock prices
are as of 12/31 of each year.  Corporate profits are for the entire year.   2004 corporate profit data uses data for the
first three quarters and estimates 4th quarter data.

Chart #8: Same as Chart #6.

Endnote:

1  It should be noted that the Government’s statistics on personal savings do not include capital gains on personal
assets such as equities and real estate.  Therefore, some economists argue that these statistics understate total
personal savings.  However, the statistics actually take into account a broad range of income sources.  Besides wages
and salaries the statistics include employer contributions to pensions, personal interest and
dividend income to name some of the income sources.  Basically, the Government’s statistics on personal savings are
derived by taking all personal income sources (not capital gains) and subtracting out taxes and personal expenditures.

February 10, 2005

Has The Housing Bubble Created a Wealth Illusion?

Filed under: Housing and Land — admin @ 9:06 am

Has the Housing Bubble Created a Wealth Illusion?

February 2005

By: ChartingTheEconomy.Com

A previous ChartingTheEconomy.Com report “The Housing Market – Are We Blowing a Bubble?” concludes that a housing
bubble is forming.  It also concludes that the bubble may continue to grow, burst, or just deflate and that the future of the
housing bubble primarily depends on interest rate movements.  This paper is a follow up to that report and will investigate
whether the housing bubble has created a wealth illusion in the United States.

In order to make the case for the creation of a wealth illusion, wealth in the U.S. since 1999 is analyzed.  First, all numbers
are presented on a per household basis to personalize the issue.  Second, a baseline is set by showing mean household net
worth and how it has trended.  Third, equity in household real estate is separated from all other equity to show how each has
changed since 1999.  Through this analysis it is clear that equity in household real estate has been the only contributor to
wealth creation in the U.S. since 1999.  It is also clear that without equity in household real estate on average we are much
less wealthy than in 1999 when adjusted for inflation.  Because of this, it is concluded that we are ill prepared if there is a
sudden drop in equity in household real estate.  So, if you believe that there is a housing bubble let’s hope it doesn’t burst.
The best measure of wealth is a net worth calculation (a personal balance sheet).  It is as simple as adding up your assets
and subtracting your liabilities.  What’s left is your net worth or wealth. 1

Let’s take a look at overall household net worth in the United States over the past several years.  Essentially, household net
worth has remained almost flat from 1999 through the third quarter of 2004.  So, the first conclusion is fairly straight forward.
Americans on average are only slightly wealthier now than in 1999.  Chart #1 shows the overall trend in household net worth
during this period.

wealthill1

Household Equity in Household Real Estate

However, to fully understand the effect that real estate has had on household net worth in the U.S. since 1999 let’s dissect
the data from the above chart.  First, let’s take a look at mean household equity in household real estate and how it has
changed over this period.  For this, let’s turn to Chart #2.

wealthill2

Chart#2 clearly shows that real estate has bucked the overall trend in wealth creation in the U.S. during the past several
years.  In fact, the average household equity in household real estate has increase nearly 45% since 1999.  It should be
pointed out that the asset gains from household real estate would be even greater except for the enormous amount of cash
out refinancing, second mortgages and home equity lines of credit that have been taken out between 1999 and 2004.
According to Freddie Mac’s 4th Quarter Cash-Out Refi Report the total home equity cashed out for all prime conventional
loans was $543 billion over this period.  When you add in second mortgages and home equity lines of credit the number
grows to $843 billion. 2  What have homeowners been doing with this money?  Chart #3 shows the use of liquefied funds
from 2001 and 2002 refinancing.

wealthill3

By using Chart #3 we can better understand how cash out refinancing has affected household equity in household real
estate.  Basically, the overall affect (among other things) has been to reduce equity in household real estate and to increase
equity in other assets.  Using the $843 billion number that represents cash out refinancing, second mortgages and home
equity lines of credit between 1999 and 2004 and applying the percentages from Chart #3 across the entire period, we can
make some pretty good assumptions.

First, if we assume all liquefied funds used for home improvements and real estate/business investments were put back into
household real estate, then 55% was taken out.  This represents almost $4100 per household. 3  This means that the actual
gains in household equity in household real estate shown in Chart #2 would have been larger absent the cash out craze of
the past several years.  Second, most of the remaining funds that were liquefied were used to reduce other liabilities, make
financial investments, or purchase durable goods.  Much of these went to increase household equity in other assets –
basically the numbers shown in Charts #4 and #5, below.  It is difficult to precisely estimate the dollar value of this equity
because some of the consumer expenditures were not on items that created wealth, and because it is difficult to know how
the financial investments performed.  Based just on the numbers for repayment of other debts and the dollars put into
financial investments, the amount is about $2750 per household. 4  Suffice it to say the cash out of household real estate
equity since 1999 represents a large shift in equity assets held by households.  The significance there is that the increase in
equity in household real estate is accountable for even more of the wealth creation in the U.S. since 1999 than the numbers
show.

Household Net Worth Less Equity in Household Real Estate

Let’s turn to Chart #4.  It shows mean household net worth without equity in household real estate.  Without equity gains from
household real estate, mean household net worth in the U.S. was actually down from 1999 through the third quarter of 2004.
While we have made real gains in wealth in the past couple of years because of the turn around in the U.S. stock market,
these gains have not been enough to offset the losses from 1999 – 2002.

wealthill4

Inflation Adjusted Net Worth

Chart #5 shows Mean household net worth less equity in household real estate from 1999 through the third quarter of 2004
adjusted for inflation.  This chart drives home the point that without the recent gains in real estate equity U.S. households are
not wealthier than in 1999, especially when adjusted for inflation.

wealthill5

So what does this mean?  On a per household basis we are only slightly wealthier now than we where in 1999.  When you
subtract out equity in household real estate we are actually less wealthy than in 1999 (at least as of the end of the third
quarter of 2004).  In short, household real estate has been accountable for the majority of wealth creation in the U.S. since
1999.

Conclusion

So, is the wealth created by real estate an illusion or not?  That comes down to what side of the housing bubble debate you
are on.  What is clear is that without the gains in household real estate equity during the past several years, there would
have been no wealth creation.  This just adds to the danger of the housing bubble.  Essentially, we have not been creating
other wealth to go along with the increase in real estate equity.  Therefore, if the housing bubble bursts, then we have not
created other wealth to fall back on.  Remember, when you account for inflation the picture is even worse.  Adjusted for
inflation the mean household net worth in the U.S. from 1999 through the 3rd quarter of 2004 is down substantially. It should
also be noted that median household net worth in the U.S. is far less than the mean.  In 2000 median household net worth
was $55,000. 5  Accordingly, most households don’t have as big of a nest egg as the mean household net worth numbers
suggest.

The purpose of this paper is to personalize the housing bubble by showing its effect on wealth creation in the U.S. over the
past several years.  It is also intended to show the effects on net worth if the equity in household real estate was to evaporate
in a burst of the housing bubble.

So again, has the housing bubble created a wealth illusion?  It does seem that many Americans feel wealthier because of the
large increases in home equity in recent years.  However, it is difficult to gauge how people feel about their wealth. The most
obvious way to demonstrate that we feel wealthier because of increases in home equity is by measuring how much equity
many Americans have pulled out of their homes in recent years.  As we have seen in this paper, the numbers are enormous.
Most people will not use their homes as a piggybank unless they are feeling pretty good about your wealth (or if they are very
desperate – it doesn’t appear that many people fall into this category).  Based on this, it is safe to say that most of us are
feeling wealthier these days because of the soaring prices of our homes.

Maybe the easiest way to decide if the housing bubble has created a wealth illusion is this way.  If the housing bubble is an
illusion, then the wealth creation is real.  However, if the housing bubble is real, then the wealth creation of the past several
years is an illusion.  You decide for yourself.

Sources:

Chart #1:  Federal Reserve Flow of Funds report table B.100 Balance Sheet of Households and Nonprofit Organizations.
Data for 2004 is through the third quarter.  Data on number of households is from the U.S. Census Bureau and 2004 is
estimated based off prior data.

Chart #2:  Same sources as Chart #1.  Total number of households in the United States is used to calculate the mean
household equity in household real estate (not just owner occupied units).

Chart #3:  Data is from Federal Reserve Board’s report Mortgage Refinancing in 2001 and Early 2002 by Glenn Canner,
Karen Dynan, and Wayne Passmore with research assistance by Jennifer Attrep and Gillian Burgess.

Chart #4:  Same as Chart #1.

Chart #5:  Same as Chart #1.  To adjust for inflation consumer price index data from the Bureau of Labor Statistics is used.

_____________________________________________________________________________________________

Endnotes:

1 Data on household net worth is from The Federal Reserve Flow of Funds report table B.100 Balance Sheet of Households
and Nonprofit Organizations.  The Fed’s Flow of Funds report includes data on nonprofits so the household numbers may be
off slightly (but not materially).  The Flow of Funds report is widely used as a reference for household net worth.

2 Freddie Mac estimated the total 2004 data.

3 The number of households for 2004 is estimated based off U.S. Census Bureau data for prior years.
4 This number uses the 2001 and 2002 percentages for use of liquefied funds from refinancing and applies these
percentages across the entire period from 1999 to 2004.

5 Note that in this report we use mean household net worth to show wealth trends since 1999 because data to show trends
based on the mean is more readily available.  Mean household net worth is much higher than median household net worth
because of the high concentration of wealth in a very few super wealthy households.  According to a March 2003 report by
the U.S. Census Bureau Net Worth and Asset Ownership of Households:  1998 and 2000 by Shawna Orzechowski and Peter
Sepielli the median household net worth in 2000 was $55,000.
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